山道期刊
总第四十九期（2022年6月）
| 主题： | 人论 包括专题文章五篇、讨论文章两篇及书评五篇 |
| 页数： | vii+202 |
| 售价： | HK$100 |
编者的话
邓绍光
人是什么？基督教的信仰认为，人既不是创造主，就必定是受造物。从这个角度来看，人是受造物的一分子，因此不能离开其受造特性来讨论。人论是不能离开创造论而独立建立起来的。那么，这个受造的人是怎样的？这是今期《山道期刊》专题文章想要探讨的。
圣经研究方面，今期有两篇文章，分别是张智聪的〈养欲之诗：从诗篇第六十三篇看欲望重塑〉和梁俊豪的〈保罗人观、死人复活与哥林多前书第十五章〉。前者关注人的欲望重塑，后者侧重探讨死人复活之后其身分的延续性。神学研究方面，今期有三篇文章，分别是陈家富与李浩宇的〈论潘能伯格的基础神学人类学对巴特的基本人论形式的突破〉、李文耀的〈基督徒位格观念的政治性含意：再看潘霍华〉，以及彭盛有的〈太初有戏：巴尔塔萨的戏剧人类学〉。这三篇文章的题目十分清楚地表明其所探讨的分别是潘能伯格（Wolfhart Pannenberg）、潘霍华（Dietrich Bonhoeffer）和巴尔塔萨（Hans Urs von Balthasar）对人的看法。陈家富与李浩宇特别强调潘能伯格所论述的人是对世界和上帝开放的，而李文耀则深入发掘潘霍华位格人观所具有的政治意义，至于彭盛有，就旨在介绍及解释巴尔塔萨以戏剧这隐喻来建立的神学人类学。
基督教对人的欲望有什么看法？张智聪从诗篇第六十三篇来看怎样培育、塑造人的欲望。作者首先指出，从这篇诗的整体结构或分段，可以看出欲望是其主题；然后指出诗人在这篇诗之中游走于不同的空间——从缺乏、不宁的空间到饱足、安全的空间——其实是表达诗人对上帝的欲望以致追寻，最终得到满足。作者跟着以身体与食欲来探讨诗人如何「欲」得其所，最终指向调校生理欲望。最后，此文对比这篇诗之中的两种欲望及不同结果：恰当的欲望带来喜乐，不当的欲望带来无望。
梁俊豪从保罗的人观出发，特别是从他对身体的看法，探讨哥林多前书第十五章有关死人复活的讨论。这篇文章得出的结论是：（1）保罗主要谈论信徒的集体复活；（2）这是因为保罗的人观是「连成一体」的或集体的，其中没有纯粹独立自存的个体； （3）哥林多前书第十五章说人的死和复活，取决于人是「在亚当里」还是「在基督里」；（4）复活前后的社群身分有强烈的非连续性；（5）死人复活的身分问题，由「我是谁」转变为「我们是谁」；（6）个人身分的连续性是依靠个体之外的力量：基督与上帝。
陈家富与李浩宇采取对照的方式，讨论潘能伯格对人的看法如何突破巴特（Karl Barth）这方面的观点。作者首先铺陈潘能伯格当时的神学思想背景：费尔巴哈和马克思对宗教的批判，以及布特曼和巴特的主观主义信仰，都无法在人类学领域作出正面回应。然后，作者剖析巴特的人论：巴特透过耶稣基督来了解人，这不同于潘能伯格把人置于人类经验的视角下来了解。作者继而介绍潘能伯格两组人类学概念：开放性与自我中心性，以及他的终末性进路。最后作者点出潘能伯格有别于巴特的地方，在于他从那与人类相关联的历史神学叙事，来了解人「作为上帝的形象」的意思。
李文耀由哈维尔（Václav Havel）提出「人能否在后极权主义之中活得像一个人？」这个问题开始，指出潘霍华同样活在极权主义之下，也重视「人如何成为真实的人？」这问题。作者指出人要活得磊落真诚，成为真实的人，就必须：（1）考虑每段关系中的各自条件，并以「为他者」作负责任行动为大前题；（2）相信上帝，活在基督里。作者特别指出，潘霍华有别于哈维尔之处，乃在于第2点的「活在基督里」，而追随基督就是一个重塑、转化自己而得着与耶稣基督相似位格的过程，从而可以「活得磊落真诚」。因此，作者认为要把潘霍华「人如何成为真实的人？」这个问题，置于他的位格观底下来讨论，而要从位格来认识人，则要进入基督论，因为人的位格是从耶稣基督的位格衍生出来。
最后一篇专题文章介绍巴尔塔萨的戏剧人类学。彭盛有指出，在戏剧这个隐喻底下，巴尔塔萨以人为演员、世界为剧场。这隐喻具有本体论效力及了解启示的作用。在这个剧场，人获上帝分派一个角色，在历史的时间中实现他的自由。但是这出戏剧却不回避其悲剧性，并且揭示了隐蔽的真相；这就是基督亲自成为悲剧的演员，承担人因罪而来的悲惨处境。作者由此指出巴尔塔萨以「戏剧」作为隐喻，说明上帝成了人及其在世界的行动，并处理人有限生命里的不确定性和充满悖论的行动特征，而惟有通过成了人的基督，有限的人才能实现自由而达成其使命，成为一个真正的人。
今期《山道期刊》还有两篇讨论文章及五篇书评。讨论文章分别是杜锦满的〈重洗派与浸信会——远亲？近邻？ 〉和宋军的〈从明末官员的控辩看来华天主教乃「邪教」之想像——以1616-1617、1622年两次南京教案为案例分析〉，都属于教会历史的领域，不过前者是西方的，后者则是中国的，值得读者细阅。五篇书评既有圣经方面的，也有历史和神学方面的，可以让我们更多认识学界的研究成果。愿上主使用今期《山道期刊》，造就教会群体。
| 编者的话 | 点击查阅 | |
| 专题文章 | ||
| 张智聪 | 养欲之诗：从诗篇第六十三篇看欲望重塑 | Abstract |
| 梁俊豪 | 保罗人观、死人复活与哥林多前书第十五章 | Abstract |
| 陈家富、李浩宇 | 论潘能伯格的基础神学人类学对巴特的基本人论形式的突破 | Abstract |
| 李文耀 | 基督徒位格观念的政治性含意：再看潘霍华 | Abstract |
| 彭盛有 | 太初有戏：巴尔塔萨的戏剧人类学 | Abstract |
| 讨论文章 | ||
| 杜锦满 | 重洗派与浸信会——远亲？近邻？ | Abstract |
| 宋军 | 从明末官员的控辩看来华天主教乃「邪教」之想像——以1616-1617、1622年两次南京教案为案例分析 | Abstract |
A Psalm for Nurturing Desires: The Shaping of Desires in Psalm 63
Simon Chi Chung CHEUNG
Desires are essential to human nature. There is a longstanding tradition arguing that the formation of character cannot do without the shaping of a person's desires. Xunzi, a classic Chinese philosopher, refers to the moulding of desires as “nurturing” (yang). This paper aims at reading Psalm 63 anew, exploring how it depicts and nurtures desires. Each stanza of the psalm, as argued here, is demarcated by desire-related themes at its two ends. Spatial movements in the psalm, contrary to previous suggestions, are not indicative of the psalm's life setting. They rather represent the psalmist's quest for God in whom the psalmist's desires can find full satisfaction. The pervasive use of the trope of food in this psalm is another means of nurturing desires, by showing how the psalmist desires what is right despite his physical and emotional yearnings. Finally, it will be shown that, according to the psalm, displaying the right moral qualities is a necessary concomitant of having the right desire
Pauline Anthropology, Resurrection, and 1 Corinthians 15
LEUNG Chun Ho Bernard
The anthropological presuppositions of Pauline theology are usually not issues to which students of the New Testament give precedence. Questions such as “What is humanity?” “Who am I?” “Why do people sin?” “Are humans truly free?” etc . are considered relating directly to the disciplines of dogmatic theology, philosophical anthropology, or even psychology and sociology, and less pertaining to Pauline studies. However, anthropology is inextricably intertwined with nearly every aspect of Pauline theology, including Christology, soteriology, ecclesiology, and eschatology. The key terminology of Pauline anthropology, ie “body,” “flesh,” “soul,” “spirit,” etc., is part and parcel of Paul's discourses on the nature and purpose of Law, Sin, and Death. One important topic in anthropology is particularly heuristic to our discussion of Paul's teaching of the resurrection of the dead: the continuity of identity of individuals. What makes a person's identity remain unchanged in the afterlife? How can we claim that a person who was dead will have the same “self” in the resurrection? The questions become more difficult if we consider 1 Corinthians 15 which emphasizes the discontinuity between the resurrected body and the dead. This paper explores the study of anthropology in Pauline studies in recent decades. It suggests that, instead of “personal identity” as a human being, Paul highlights the “collective identity” of the believers in Christ who is the representative of those entering the heavenly existence. The continuity of identity is somehow preserved in collective terms despite the marked contrast or discontinuity in the resurrection.
Pauline Anthropology, An Examination of Pannenberg's Fundamental Theological Anthropology and Its Breakthrough of Barth's Formal Anthropology, and 1 Corinthians 15
Keith Ka Fu CHAN and LI Haoyu
This paper argues that while Wolfhart Pannenberg and Karl Barth both ground their anthropologies on a Christological foundation, Barth on the one hand emphasizes the corresponding structure between Christ's humanity and human authentic humanity, and his epistemological foundation is located in the idea of God's self-revelation ; Pannenberg on the other hand emphasizes the openness to the world and to God within human nature through the empirical-historical analysis of human manifestation. Moreover, even though Pannenberg starts his anthropological project “from below,” this paper aims at demonstrating that his “ from below” approach is justified by a close examination of his eschatological-historical approach of God's revelation and his idea of “human becoming.”
The Political Implications of the Christian Concept of Person: Rereading Dietrich Bonhoeffer
Man-yiu LEE
This article attempts to reexamine Dietrich Bonhoeffer's concept of person with reference to Václav Havel's insightful work The Power of the Powerless, and point out that this Christian concept could have political implications. Both Bonhoeffer and Havel insist that people living in a totalitarian or post-totalitarian state must seek to become a real person, though “being real” in a different sense. After such a cross-reference reading, the author sees that Bonhoeffer's theology, especially his concept of person and his belief of being a person in Christ, can exert powerful political influences in a totalitarian system. When everyone lives sincerely, honestly and responsibly, all kinds of role -playing and ideologies that support the system will be overthrown. History can then be rewritten or even created. The notion of “becoming a real person” may seem ordinary, but it can bring out earth-shaking and unexpected changes. This reading also allows us to see that Havel's thoughts also have limitations. As Bonhoeffer points out, to live sincerely, honestly and responsibly, a person must believe in God wholeheartedly and let the image of Jesus Christ transform one's life. In the end, to become a real person is a question of faith, which is related to the change of mind (“I believe in God”) and the re-shaping of life (“being in Christ”). This is what Bonhoeffer believes and insists throughout his life.
In the Beginning Was the Drama: Balthasar's Theatrical Anthropology
Sheng Yu PENG
As finite beings in a finite world, human beings lack the ability and resources to grasp the meaning of infinity. The desire to pursue the infinite predisposes human beings to become tragic actors on the stage of history, as the “infinite” is always beyond the grasp of the “finite.” However, when human beings persist in their attempt to redeem themselves, they inevitably become involved in guilt, whether consciously or unconsciously. As finite beings, human beings also struggle with the tension between “self” and “role ,” that is, the inevitable tension between the role one represents and one's experience in reality. How can this tension and paradox in the dramatic (tragic) nature of human beings be resolved? How to find an appropriate framework for interpreting the conflict between the limited freedom of human beings and the unlimited freedom of God? What insights and enlightenment can Balthasar's theatrical anthropology offer to these questions?
The purpose of this paper is to introduce and explain the theatrical anthropology of the Swiss Catholic theologian Hans Urs von Balthasar (1905-1988). By reading, understanding, and sorting through Balthasar's major works, this paper attempts to sketch out the theatrical anthropology in Balthasar's rich theological thoughts. The paper explores the resources of theological anthropology in terms of the twofold metaphor of drama (human beings as actors and the world as a theater/theatrum mundi), role and freedom in God's vision, historical time structure, tragedy, and aesthetic form. It also further explains how Balthasar uses “drama” as a metaphor to illustrate God's becoming man and His action in the world and to deal with the uncertainty and paradoxical actions in human finite life in the context of theological drama. This paper finds that Balthasar's theatrical anthropology emphasizes that the central question of anthropology is “Who am I?” rather than “What is man?” For Christ Himself, He “is” the person He “should be” (a unity of being and becoming); His being is His mission. Since Christ is the concrete form of realization, finite human beings achieve their missions through Christ's freedom. We can only become “humans” by taking up our missions. In short, the realization of finite freedom within infinite freedom does not occur in the abstract “infinite,” but in the “incarnate” Christ. Balthasar argues that the tragic features of human existence cannot be resolved in the realm of the finite. It is only when the suffering God steps into the theater of the world that we discover that finitude, time, and suffering are not to be abolished, but are given a new value beyond our comprehension.
Anabaptists and Baptists: How Closely Are They Related?
Alex K. TO
The relationship between Anabaptists and Baptists has caught the attention of many researchers in recent years. Did Baptists grow out of Anabaptists? When Baptists first appeared in the early 17th century, many people had confused them with the Anabaptists who emerged in the 16th century. However , the full title of the first Baptist confession, “A Confession of Faith of Seven Congregations or Churches of Christ in London, which are commonly (but unjustly) called Anabaptists…,” which is commonly known as the First London Confession (1644), makes clear Baptists are different from Anabaptists.
Anabaptism began with the followers of the Swiss reformer Ulrich Zwingli. During their quest for a true church, these young followers concluded from their study of the Scripture that a true church was made up of regenerated people who had made a public confession, and baptism was only for believers. Since small children were incapable of repenting and confessing faith, infant baptism was both meaningless and unscriptural. As Zwingli was afraid that their radical idea would not be supported by the city council of Zurich, he distanced himself from these young people. Ignoring the government's ban, the young dissenters held a private gathering and baptized one another in early 1525. The Anabaptist idea spread rapidly within a short time. Among the different strains of Anabaptism, Menno Simons who upheld the belief of pacifism and non-resistance became the most important and influential Anabaptist leader. His followers, Mennonites, become the mainstream Anabaptists nowadays.
John Smyth, an English Puritan-Separatist, started the first Baptist church in Amsterdam in 1609. Thomas Helwys continued to uphold the Baptist ideas and led the General Baptists in England. The Particular Baptists also came into the scene in England shortly afterward. Johann Oncken started Baptist churches on the European continent independently two hundred years later. All these Baptists were somehow related to the Anabaptists. Based on the encounters of the different early Baptists with Anabaptists, in particular Mennonites, the author shows that there were close connections and interactions between the groups.
By comparing the Schleitheim Confession (1527), the first Anabaptist confession, with several early Baptist confessions, in particular A Short Confession of Faith in Twenty Articles (1609) and the First London Confession (1644), it is further noticed that there are obvious similarities and noticeable differences between their core beliefs. Both Anabaptists and Baptists place emphasis on believer's baptism, believers' church, purity of the church, the symbolic meaning of the Lord's supper, and the good reputation of pastors. Although both advocate the separation of church and state, they have divergent views toward civil magistracy. The other obvious differences are their stances on Christian pacifism and oath-taking.
Both Anabaptists and Baptists are seeking a true church despite their dissimilarity. We should learn to appreciate each other's beautiful heritage and seek the wisdom to know what needs to be treasured.
The Accusation and Defense of the Cult Charge against the Chinese Catholic Church on the Imaginary Basis in the Late Ming Dynasty: A Case Study of Two Nanjing Persecutions in 1616-1617 and 1622
SONG Jun
The Chinese Catholic Church in the late Ming Dynasty was twice accused of being a “cult” in 1616 and 1622 respectively. Fortunately, Hsu Kuang-chi and Yang Ting-jun were able to defend the church in writing. Both the accusers and the defenders argued on the basis of the Confucian view of Good and Evil. Hence, it indicated that Christianity had little impact on the dominating status of Confucianism. In addition, though being labeled as a “White Lotus Sect,” a cult prohibited by the government, the Jesuits in China had no substantial argument to defend themselves. This revealed that their understanding of Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism was still superficial, and that they had little knowledge of the folk religions. The foundation of Christianity in China was still shallow.
