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  5. 總第四十六期(2020年12月)

山道期刊

總第四十六期(2020年12月)

主題: 政教關係
包括專題文章六篇、討論文章一篇及書評五篇
頁數: 240
售價: HK$100
  • 編者的話

    鄧紹光

    三一上帝在基督裏藉著聖靈所建立並持續地構成的教會群體,一直活在世界之中;這樣一來,她就無可避免地要跟世界之中的國家或政權交往。今期《山道期刊》以「政教關係」為主題,邀請了不同學者就著新約聖經、教會歷史、系統神學等各個範疇,探討這個重要的課題。

    梁俊豪和吳國傑分別撰寫〈「帝王崇拜」與保羅的教會〉和〈君士坦丁與君士坦丁主義:歷史論據的重檢〉,分別澄清「帝王崇拜」及君士坦丁對教會的影響。梁氏指出近年興起的「保羅反帝國修辭」進路很大程度影響了保羅研究,學者們認為保羅書信中隱含著反帝王神學。但是梁氏表示,雖然「帝王崇拜」或「羅馬帝國意識形態」在保羅時代十分普遍,但卻沒有充分證據顯示,初期教會在信仰上或生活上受到極大的壓力或威脅,並且在保羅書信之中也沒有意思明確的經文足以證明這種看法,而且以隱藏文本的方式閱讀保羅書信,亦叫人難以信服。

    吳國傑一文梳理君士坦丁與君士坦丁主義之間的關係,從而澄清君士坦丁與君士坦丁主義並無任何關係。神學家尤達(John H. Yoder)提出君士坦丁主義來指涉西方教會的轉變,把教會之背道歸因於君士坦丁歸信基督之後的舉動。吳氏衡量萊泰赫(Peter J. Leithart)著的《維護君士坦丁》(Defending Constantine)及羅夫(John D. Roth)編的《重檢君士坦丁》(Constantine Revisited)兩者的論據,並根據個人研究作出判斷,重新釐清君士坦丁與君士坦丁主義的關係,幫助讀者有更為確切的了解。

    羅永光的文章〈「在地若天」――主禱文與極權政治〉討論二十世紀「第三帝國」時期的兩種政教論述,分別是《安斯巴赫忠告》(Ansbacher Counsel)和《巴冕神學宣言》(Theological Declaration of Barmen),前者是基於改革宗的「基督的君主權」,後者則立足於路德的兩國論,雙方的焦點都集中於地上國度的位置。羅氏在此提出第三種看法,發掘主禱文中的政治含意:既沒有否認地上國度,也沒有排斥基督;耶穌是天父在地上的真正代理人,祂的國是那要指引所有地上王國遵行天父旨意的國。

    鄭仰恩則帶領我們歷時性地回顧及評價改革宗傳統的政教態度及觀點。他的〈改革宗的政教態度與觀點:一個歷時性的回顧與評價〉,一方面鋪陳改革宗歷來一些展現其對政教關係看法的代表性事件,包括宗教改革時期瑞士的日內瓦、法國的預格諾派、尼德蘭的改教運動、蘇格蘭的盟約派、英格蘭和北美殖民地的情況,以及當代南非的處境。另一方面,鄭氏整理了近年歷史學者對改革宗政教觀點所作的詮釋,從而發現其發展是具有多元要素,並且層次豐富:政治環境的驅迫和形塑、參與行動者(聖徒)的公民意識、法理上證成抵抗的責任或權利、宗教禮儀及社會行動上「破除偶像」的論述和抗爭、抵抗神學的全面建構、以當代的信仰告白來激發政治行動。

    至於杜錦滿的〈從歷史角度看香港浸信會之政教關係(1842-1970)〉,他指出雖然浸信會一向強調及持守政教分離的原則,但是香港的浸信教會長久以來,就教會應否領取政府資助來推動教會事工,議論不休。這篇文章透過歷史回顧,一方面展示香港的浸信教會怎樣理解「政教分離」這個議題;另一方面也整理出應用這原則時碰到的問題,而在教會辦學方面,最終出現了實用主義勝過理論主義的結果。

    最後一篇是劉振鵬的〈初探「政權」在尤達的政教觀的意義〉,集中探討尤達的政教觀中有關「政權」(state)的意義。作者指出尤達對政教的看法,是基於他的「基督的統治」這大前提。在基督的統治下,教會是有意識地知道並成為基督的僕人,而政權卻是不自覺地成為基督的僕人。接著,劉氏探討尤達神學中政權的授權問題,指出政權的屬天授權在於運用邪惡手段,制衡邪惡,使邪惡不致失控,以維持「相對的秩序」。最後,文章談論尤達對政權的功能及其限制的分析,指出政權乃為了維持社會秩序,讓世界認識福音,其正義並不等同上帝自己的正義。

    除了專題文章之外,這一期《山道期刊》收錄了一篇討論文章,就是筆者的〈潘霍華的六種抵抗方式――德容格的整理與分析〉,主要是討論德容格(Michael P. DeJonge)就潘霍華(Dietrich Bonhoeffer)對抵抗方式及其背後的思想所作的全面整理。讀者可以視之為專題文章的延續。此外,還有五篇書評值得大家細閱,既有聖經研究,也有神學討論。深願三一上帝使用這些學術研究的成果,造福教會群體,讓弟兄姊妹對信仰有更深入和開闊的理解。

編者的話 點擊查閱
專題文章
梁俊豪 「帝王崇拜」與保羅的教會 Abstract
吳國傑 君士坦丁與君士坦丁主義:歷史論據的重檢 Abstract
羅永光 「在地若天」――主禱文與極權政治 Abstract
鄭仰恩 改革宗的政教態度與觀點:一個歷時性的回顧與評價 Abstract
杜錦滿 從歷史角度看香港浸信會之政教關係(1842-1970) Abstract
劉振鵬 初探「政權」在尤達的政教觀的意義 Abstract
討論文章
鄧紹光 潘霍華的六種抵抗方式――德容格的整理與分析 Abstract
  • Emperor Worship and the Pauline Communities

    LEUNG Chun Ho Bernard

    Over a century ago, the German philologist Adolf Deissmann observed that there arose a “polemic parallelism” between the uses of Christological titles in the early church and the political titles attributed to the Roman emperors. This sheds a new perspective on the reading of the Pauline epistles as “anti-imperial,” i.e. Paul wrote subtly and polemically to counter the influence of Roman imperial ideology prevalent at that time in the cities of Paul’s ministry. The most ubiquitous and far-reaching instrument for the diffusion of imperial ideology was “Emperor Worship” (or “Imperial cults”). However, did the institution of “Emperor Worship” in provincial settings put political pressure on the Pauline communities to take part in the cult as a civic and religious duty, so that Paul needed to response to the crisis in a hidden way? This article, firstly, aims to investigate the scope and complexity of “Emperor Worship” in the early Roman Empire. This step is crucial for the interpreters of the Pauline epistles to comprehend correctly the significance and functions of “Emperor Worship” in the social-political life of the Roman cities in which the early Christians might be affected. Secondly, this article will (1) assess the prevalence of “Emperor Worship” in the Roman provinces and cities where Paul established the Christian communities; (2) evaluate the claim that “Emperor Worship” caused social and religious tensions to the Pauline communities; and (3) comment on the trend for “anti-imperial rhetoric” in the reading of Paul.

  • Constantine and Constantinianism: A Revisit of Its Historical Arguments

    Nathan K. NG

    The fourth-century Roman Emperor Constantine had long been regarded as a hero who liberated the church from severe persecutions. However, this traditional view has recently been challenged by some Christian scholars, especially John Howard Yoder and the Yoderians. They even criticize what they called Constantinianism or Constantinian Shift as the root of the disavowal and apostasy of the church. However, did the Yoderian Constantinianism correctly reflect the historical church and state relationship during the reign of Constantine? Today, the Yoderian view has been condemned in Peter J. Leithart’s 2010 publication named Defending Constantine as historically questionable, oversimplified, misleading, one-sided and even wrong.

    This article evaluates the views and arguments of both sides. As a result, both the Yoderians’ so-called New Ecclesiology and New Eschatology are found to be historically unsustainable. The assertion that the church began to fall in the rule of Constantine does not accurately convey the historical reality. If the emperor Constantine was not responsible for the Yoderian critique of the nowadays so-called Erastianism or Caesaropapism, is it still appropriate to call it “Constantinianism”? All modern Christian ethicists, especially the Yoderians, should rethink the issue.

  • On Earth as It Is in Heaven –The Lord’s Prayer and Totalitarianism

    Pilgrim W. K. LO

    The Third Reich appeared in Germany, which has a long tradition of Christian culture and a rich theological heritage. During Hitler’s reign, a great schism took place between the church leaders. There were contradictions between German Christians and the Confessing Church; there were fierce debates between the group of “pro-Hitler theologians” like Emanuel Hirsch, Paul Althaus and Werner Elert who presented the Ansbacher Counsel, and the group of “anti-Hitler theologians” who signed the Theological Declaration of Barmen drafted by Karl Barth.

    The theological framework of the Ansbacher Counsel is based on Luther’s doctrine of the Two Kingdoms, while the Theological Declaration of Barmen is based on the Reformed “Royal Lordship of Christ.” The focus of the dispute is obviously on the issue of “the positioning of the Earthly Kingdom.” This article attempts to explore the political significance of the Lord’s Prayer. It uses the theological paradigm of the Lord’s Prayer –”From the Father to the Son ” – to deal with the shortcomings of both the Ansbacher Counsel and the Theological Declaration of Barmen. The Lord’s Prayer does not deny the kingdom on earth, nor does it exclude the Christ. We can explain it as follows:

    Why is the Lord’s Prayer called the Lord’s Prayer?
    Because this is the prayer taught by the Lord Jesus.
    Why is it the Lord Jesus, and not others, teching about the Kingdom of God?
    Because only the Lord Jesus knows and can tell us the mysteries of God (Mt 13:11; Mk 4:11; Lk 8:10).
    Why can only Jesus tell us the mysteries of God?
    Because the Father gave His Kingdom to the Son.
    Why can we also know about God’s Kingdom and pray to the Father in the Lord’s Prayer?
    Because the Lord Jesus gave us the Kingdom he received from the Father (Lk 22:29-30

    Jesus is not the king of the earth, but the Kingdom of God came to the earth through the Son. However, the kingdom of the Son is not a kingdom established by the Israelites, nor is it any kingdom based on politics, but a kingdom that guides all kingdoms on the earth to do the will of the Father.

  • Reformed Attitude and Perspective on Church-State Relations: A Diachronic Review and Evaluation

    CHENG Yang-en

    This article offers a diachronic review and evaluation of the attitudes and perspectives on church-state relations in the Reformed tradition. The first part depicts representative Reformed communities which responded in a timely fashion and subsequently constructed their church-state attitudes and perspectives in their particular contexts, including Calvin’s Geneva, the Huguenots in France, the Reformed camp in the Netherlands, the Covenanters in Scotland, the Puritans in England and in Colonial America, and the anti-Apartheid campaign in present-day South Africa. Then, in the second part, this article offers a diachronic review and short evaluation of the elaboration and development of the interpretation of the Reformed perspectives on church-state relations, adopting a methodology similar to the theory of the History of Effect (wirkungsgeschichte) developed by Hans-Georg Gadamer and Ulrich Luz. The interpretative notions developed over time include theories such as inherited concepts of resistance shaped and adapted by political environments, “revolution of the saints” acting as modern “citizens,” justification of resistance from “as duty” to “as right,” resistance as “war against the idols,” the development of a rightful “theology of resistance,” and obedient “political actions” triggered by “confession of faith in response to emergent and challenging situations” (status confessionis).

  • Hong Kong Baptists’ Views on Church-State Relationship: A Historical Perspective (1842-1970)

    Alex K. TO

    Baptists have long been proud of themselves in upholding the principle of the separation of church and state. Since their first establishment in Hong Kong in 1842, Baptists have been involved and entangled in church and state relationship. The colonial government provided a free grant of land and government officials donated money to build the first Baptist church in Hong Kong. Due to the British traditional belief that churches operated better schools, Baptists in the early days of Hong Kong received government subsidies to run a church school.

    In the mid-twentieth century, the change of political situations in Mainland China led to a large influx of refugees, resulting in a sudden demand for various social services such as education, medication, and housing in Hong Kong. Seeing churches would share the same idea of anti-communism, the colonial government continued to rely on churches to provide services to meet the needs. Due to some historical reasons, Baptists were singled out as the most reliable partner among different churches and religious groups. As a result, Baptists built the first resettlement housing, the Pok Oi Estate, on government land for the fire affected refugees in 1950, and operated a number of schools with free land grants, interest free loans, and building fund subsidies from the government. Apart from primary and secondary schools, Baptist cooperation with the government extended to include Baptist College, Baptist Hospital, and other social service institutions. To save public expenditures, the government welcomed Baptist participations in providing these services. Baptists were also pleased to be able to do outreach through these institutions.

    While enjoying the benefits of partnering with the government, these practices aroused the concern of Southern Baptists, who were the principal supporter of Baptist ministries in Hong Kong. Worrying that the receipt of government money would infringe on the Baptist principle of church and state separation, the Foreign Mission Board of Southern Baptists warned that they would stop funding Hong Kong Baptists if they continued to accept government subsidies. However, what constituted government subsidy could not be clearly defined by the Foreign Mission Board despite their repeated attempts. In fact, the same issue also troubled Baptists in the United States when deciding whether to accept government subsidies for their higher education institutes.

    Facing this situation local Baptist leaders voiced their opinions through Baptist Monthly, the denomination newsletter, and held special meetings in the 1960s to discuss the subject matter of whether to accept government subsidies to operate Baptist schools. Those who supported the idea of accepting subsidies took a pragmatic view and argued that it would help them evangelize and serve the community more effectively. Their opponents, who took a theoretic view, believed it was an obvious infringement of Baptist teaching and wrong to use worldly money for God’s work. In the end, the pragmatic approach prevailed. However, the issue was far from settled. Opinions continued to be raised and discussions went on in the following years.

  • A Preliminary Exploration of the Concept of “State” in John Howard Yoder’s Church-State Discourse

    Vincent C. P. LAU

    Constantinianism is one of the core concepts in John Howard Yoder’s theology and it continues to be a controversial concept in academia. Yoder considers Constantine as the main architect of the age, but not its sole architect. Moreover, those theologians who adopt the concept of Constantinianism mainly regard it as a theological concept, not a concrete historical reality. It is a description of a period of time rather than a particular Roman emperor’s merit.

    One of the major features of Constantinianism is so-called marriage of church and state. In order to have a better understanding of Yoder’s concept of church-state, a clear definition of the terms “church” and “state” is crucial. This essay will discuss the notion of “state” in Yoder’s thought. First, the concept of “the reign of Christ” will be examined, as it is considered as the theological foundation of Yoder’s church-state discourse. Second, the mandate of the state will be expounded. Finally, the functions and limits of the state will be analysed.

  • Bonhoeffer’s Six Types of Resistance: The Analysis of Michael P. DeJonge

    Andres S. TANG

    This paper aims to give an extended review of Michael P. DeJonge’s little book Bonhoeffer on Resistance: The Word against the Wheel. In the past, the discussion of Dietrich Bonhoeffer’s political resistance does not focus much on the theology behind the action. However, for DeJonge, Bonhoeffer has a systematic, differentiated, and well-developed vision of political activity and resistance. He does not only offer an analysis of Bonhoeffer’s six types of resistance but also outlines his political thinking on resistance.

    To put it precisely, DeJonge does not give a straightforward account of the six types of resistance but constructs it in the context of Bonhoeffer’s theological thinking of Luther’s understanding of state and church, two kingdoms, preservation toward redemption, law and gospel, and justification. In other words, DeJonge reads and constructs Bonhoeffer’s resistance thinking in the context of Bonhoeffer’s own understanding of Martin Luther. This way of reading consists of two steps: first, reading Bonhoeffer’s political thinking on resistance in the context of his understanding of Luther’s political thinking; and second, reading Luther’s political thinking in the context of Bonhoeffer’s understanding of the center of Luther’s theology. For DeJonge, Bonhoeffer is thinking of resistance in a Lutheran way so it is a kind of Lutheran political resistance theology.

    Indeed, DeJonge wrote another book Bonhoeffer’s Reception of Luther in 2017 before publishing this little book in 2018. Based on the research findings in his Bonhoeffer’s Reception of Luther, he gives a systematic yet accessible analysis of the six types of resistance and the underlying political thinking of Bonhoeffer. This paper includes five sections: discussion of Bonhoeffer’s resistance thinking in the context of Luther’s theology, the features of Bonhoeffer’s on Resistance, showing the Lutheran theology behind Bonhoeffer’s resistance thinking, analysis of Bonhoeffer’s six types of resistance in terms of Luther’s two kingdoms, and conclusion.